Construction Project Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 6000 words

Construction Project Management - Essay Example Current projected demand for planned wind farm construction ranges between US$ 8 – 10 billion, based on an estimate of US$ 200 million for 50 MW wind farms (European Bank, 2011 and Bobylev, 2009). Wind power in Russia is still low compared to other European countries. Thus, the following are some of the anticipated large projects in Russia: However, it has been observed that factors such as corruption, differences in language and culture, a tendency by the government to indulge in politically motivated campaigns against foreign firms as well as terrorism are likely to pose problems to investors. However, given the lucrativeness of the construction industry in Russia, it is possible for Natural Power Consultants to overcome such difficulties. It has been proposed that a cautious approach has to be taken upon entry into this market. The company must have something to offer and the impact of corruption should not be ignored. This section of the study seeks to critically analyse information about Russia, its construction industry as well as various cultural issues that often shape the operations of organisations in this country. Thus, according to Datamonitor (2011b), the construction and engineering industry in the Russian Federation shrank by about 20 percent in 2009. Although most of the construction within the energy sector emphasises oil and gas pipelines, Russia has on-going wind farm projects. These include the ones within the 50 – 150 MW rated capacity range (European Bank, 2011). Recently, Russia announced a plan for investment of about US$200 million for what is yet to become the largest wind farm project in the country. This includes the 50 MW city of Yeisk wind farm located on the coast of the Sea of Azov (RIA Novosti, 2010). Based on a construction cost figure of US$200 million / 50 MW capacities for a wind farm in Russia, the following relatively large projects

Impact of Globalisation and FDI on Chinese Labour Law

Impact of Globalisation and FDI on Chinese Labour Law The Impact of Globalisation and Foreign Direct Investment on Chinese Labour Law and Policy Appetiser There I was, situated in Shanghai as part of a new student program with the University of Sydney. I drew back the curtains of my hotel suite on the thirtieth floor and beheld the Shanghai skyline. I had been told that not a single building was more than ten years old and I believed it. Before me stood a futuristic New York with sturdy glass skyscrapers towering above the masses as they went about their day on rudimentary cycles. I felt Caucasian and large in a world of physically short men and women whose world was running away from all that they had been and understood. I almost felt as though I were more at home in this strange, capital leviathan of structures, fitting precariously at the doorstep of wealth and clutching like a lost child to the parent sleeve of communism. Over the next four weeks I would study the impact of globalisation on China’s economical, political and social traditions. I was to tear away at the old fabric of a people’s country and in my own way seemingly justify intellectual property, uneven distributions of wealth and a drive for profits in this world that was steadily before my eyes, turning from red to green. Those students who had come before me had ignored the sheer impact of such factors on this socialist world. They focused merely on the steps that would need to be taken to eradicate bad habits that were hostile to Foreign Direct Investment. Yet the irony was that each and every one of us would venture into the markets and pick up accurate knock-offs of Prada and Hugo Boss for a fraction of their genuine retail value. I did however choose to focus on the people that remained behind the curtain of global market triumph. These were men and women whose lives were left uncertain in a country now becoming more a nd more devoid of lifetime guaranteed jobs. I wondered at their predicament, I focused on thinking of the changes to their lives and hoped that they would understand that it was all for the best. Nicola L Tysoe Introduction The clear combination of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) welcoming policies and a relatively low cost economy spells a formula which, with the addition of cheap labour will become an area that foreign investors are only too happy to target by means of outsourcing the bulk of their services to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). China is rapidly growing in strength into a super power of the future and it becomes necessary to take a good look at the anatomy of this prosperous period of growth. This paper will begin in Chapter one by focusing on the substantive legal reforms that have been brought on by China’s bid for a more FDI welcoming environment. This will begin by giving an historical account of the social factors that encouraged reform Chapter two will then provide substantive analysis of the Chinese Labour Law of 1994, the Trade Union Law of 2001, Occupational Health and Safety and social security. In theory, and in a perfect world, the rapid race to FDI impacts on the economy of the target State in much the same manner as the Marshall plan that brightened the horizon for West Germany after the Second World War. Analysts would be forgiven for assuming that it is only a matter of time before the standard of living and sophistication of infrastructure of China begins to reach levels that are on a par with Western markets. This does after all go hand in hand with development in many infrastructures such as pensions and insurance, banking, intellectual property enforcement, taxation and corporate governance. It is also assumed that the process of acceleration will become exponential due to China’s recent accession to the WTO. In March of 2003, three major institutions came together to convene the International Conference on the Labour Reform: Employment, Workers’ Rights and Labour Law in China. These were; the International Institute’s Advanced Study Centre (ASC), the Institute of Labour and Industrial Relations and the Centre for Chinese Studies. In addition delegates from the World Bank, Amnesty International and University of Michigan faculty members and event co-sponsors[1]. The central point of discussion for this two-day conference was to discuss changes to the labour market of China as a result of over twenty years of rapid economic reform. Interestingly, this conference went beyond the mere analysis of new laws and looked more closely into the socially impacting factors of implementation in order to illustrate the true reality for workers in post economic reform China. This conference illustrated the clear need for a social analysis of labour in addition to the more procedural concepts of law reform and economic policy changes. Chapter three will therefore provide the contrasting reality for workers and give an account of China’s weak implementation policies as well as the emergence of inequality of worker treatment due to geography, gender and, surprisingly, the corporate entity of the employer. Finally, no social, financial and economic analysis of labour in post economic reform China would be complete without also analysing the issue of China as a global influence that may be set to create an international benchmark for attracting FDI. Chapter three will explore this point with reference to the existing impact of China on the global investment scene. The question asked will be whether the international community has cause for concern given China’s poor implementation strategy against promising legal harmonisation such as recent accession to the WTO. This will raise the worrying issue of risking a trend within workers rights that will witness a ‘race to the bottom’. Chapter One: Analysis – Social-Economic reform in China AHistorical Changes to Labour The political reason for economic reform in China was derived from unrest between 1966 and 1976[2] in which there had been a loss of confidence in the communist regime. By instigating reforms towards the creation of an open market, the Government hoped to establish popularity in an ever more dissatisfied population[3]. In addition to politics, China instigated reforms as a result of practical necessity and clearly prioritised economic welfare over purely communist ideals. This revolutionary compromise saved the regime and is exclusively responsible for China’s preservation of communism to this day[4]. China initially instigated its experiment with private ownership in 1978 but prior to this time annual growth rates in industrial production were measured at an average of 9.59 percent between 1952 and 1978[5]. In addition, industrial capital assets increased by an average of 11.08 percent and this contrasted with employment growth of a mere 5.98 percent per annum[6] and a wage rate increase of a mere 0.1 percent! The increased labour was resourced from rural regions as prospects in these areas diminished and young people undertook economic migration in search of better wage rates in China’s urban centres. This displacement of the population placed pressure on the maintenance of food supplies into the cities and called upon increased spending on housing and public services. The resulting reduction in rural labour resources also resulted in a decrease in agricultural output thereby increasing food costs across the country. The response from the Chinese government was to prioritise on the development of industries that yielded the highest revenue and these were centred in the urban districts[7]. Unfortunately this resulted in a destabilization of equilibrium of employment availability between the urban and rural regions thereby resulting in increased unemployment in the latter by the late 1970s. The result was an increased migration of rural populations seeking work and numbered a staggering, albeit modest estimate of 5 to 6 million Chinese between the years of 1978 and 1980[8]. The Government was effectively faced with a crisis as the traditional communist solution to simply create jobs within state owned sectors proved to be wholly unrealistic given the scale of the problem. Clearly relaxation of FDI restrictions, coupled with the attractive incentive of low cost labour would open the door to investment from the West. It was also conceded by the Chinese Government that this economic reform would create widespread modernisation of existing infrastructures and provide a breeding ground for technological advancement, as well as facilitate greater responses to consumer demands[9]. The Chinese Government regarded the allowance for economic growth within a private sector to tackle the problem of unemployment and treated the venture as an experiment. However these areas of private growth had originally formed part of the old communist infrastructure and this alleviated the brunt of political connotation for creation of a thriving private sector within a socialist regime. As is typical for developing States, China utilised the system of allocating Special Economic Zones (SEZs) for the purpose of concentrating FDI into specific geographic locations. Allocation of the location of these zones began in the early 1980s and there are now five SEZs in the provinces of Guangdong, Fujian, Hainan Hunchun and Pudong (Shanghai). To this day these zones provide huge tax incentives in the early days of development and can typically entail tax exemption during the first years of business until profits are declared[10]. Thereafter a ‘Tax Clock’ is counted whereby corporations tax would fall payable after the second year of profitable business[11]. Tax is then chargeable at a discount until the end of year five[12]. This method does however create vast inequalities of economic wealth between SEZ and non SEZ regions. This will be discussed further in chapter insert. B.Direct Implications for Labour 1986 saw China make the bold step of awarding further preferential treatment to businesses within the SEZs that had been established with overseas capital. Under new regulations these firms were permitted to independently determine the size of their own workforce and were given carte blanche discretion on setting wages. In addition, the Government acknowledged the need for entrepreneurs and hence, increased freedoms for domestic companies. Earlier in 1978 China had therefore given leave for small, privately run businesses to be given permission to exist and grow. In 1981 the State Council set up regulations governing the business ventures of entrepreneurs. By 1988 large domestic companies had been awarded the same workforce level control and profit distribution freedoms as FDI funded companies[13]. Chapter Two: Understanding Labour Law in Post Reform China AUnderstanding Chinese Labour Market Structure In order to fully appreciate the effects labour reforms that were brought on by FDI and globalisation it is essential to fully understand the current labour market structure. There are now four types of in addition to privately owned companies and urban collectives. Firstly there are State owned enterprises which, while resembling a capitalist entity by being profit-driven, remains under the control of the People’s Republic of China (PRC)[14]. These enterprises form the historic legacy of the pre-reform days of centralised State planning. This type of entity is used for the implementation of public policy ventures. However, since these reforms have taken hold, there has been a need for wages to be competitively set in accordance with market trends thereby facilitating external, capitalist behaviour when dealing with human resources. Secondly township and village enterprises (TVEs) consist of groups of firms that are inextricably and contractually linked to the local governments of a township or village[15]. These types of business entity are restricted to the employment of local people and must adhere to stricter budget constraints than their state owned enterprise counterparts. Township and Village Enterprises are clearly also connected to local markets such as fishing and agriculture and are not subject to state planning policies for the implementation of public sector ventures. Thirdly Joint Ventures (JVs) are largely located in the five SEZs of the PRC where one party to the venture is a foreign investor. Where however domestic enterprises engage in a similar agreement, no such geographic restriction applies and as a result JVs tend to be scattered around the whole of the PRC. JVs enjoy the contractual freedom of being able ensure that they may hire and fire whomsoever they please within their constituent workforces and are therefore awarded far more flexibility than their state owned enterprise counterparts. Lastly, foreign owned firms are similar in this respect but they of course obtain far more advantageous tax advantages than any of the other three types of entity. This therefore means that of all the types of corporate forms, the foreign owned firm is by far the least restrained[16]. This description of the status of the various separate entities throughout the PRC is, as stated above, essential for a full understanding of the labour law reforms. Part B will now explain reform in relation to the Labour Law of 1994. Part C will do the same for the Trade Union law of 2001 and Parts C and D will explain current Chinese policies on Occupational Health and Safety and social security respectively. BThe Labour Law of 1994[17] The Labour law of China was passed by the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress in 1994 and became effective on 1 January 1995 and was in fact the first substantive legal source for labour relations in the history of the PRC. The statute consists of a series of principles that are derived from China’s administrative regulations and, as will be seen, represents a clear desire of the PRC Government to create a system of labour and industrial relations that is far more in keeping with the international community’s standards. Interestingly, there exists a clear attempt to combine the two concepts of traditional command economy with the Western market economy ethos. This balancing act may seem to be a conceptually awkward marriage. Scope of the Law Article 4 of the Labour Law firmly states: â€Å"The employing units shall establish and perfect rules and regulations in accordance with the law so as to ensure that labourers enjoy the right to work and fulfil labour obligations.† The Labour Law of 1994 is applicable to all business entities, whether nationally or internationally owned and governs employment across the skills spectrum. The clear aim to remove distinctions in labour rights between the various skills types and corporate entities is a positive effort to create one high standard of rights for workers in China. A further aspect of the Labour Law is contract employment is given a great deal of attention within Chapter 3 of the Law whereby it has become necessary for all employment to be protected in accordance with a contract. Article 16 states: â€Å"A labour contract is the agreement reached between a labourer and an employing unit for the establishment of the labour relationship and the definition of the rights, interests and obligations of each party. A labour contract shall be concluded where a labour relationship is to be established.† Prior to the economic reforms that were brought on by unrest and global pressure, the PRC Government was solely responsible for the allocation of labour. Instead, the Labour law follows 1986 regulations[18] whereby the standard contract of employment is described. By 1995, the Ministry of Labour had stated that this contract employment system was already in operation among some 85% of the state workforce[19]. A further internationally respected issue of the Labour law is direct address to anti-discrimination. Article 12 states: â€Å"Labourers shall not be discriminated against in employment, regardless of their ethnic community, race, sex, or religious belief.† This is followed by Article 13 which provides that: â€Å"Females shall enjoy equal rights as males in employment. It shall not be allowed, in the recruitment of staff and workers, to use sex as a pretext for excluding females form employment or to raise recruitment standards for the females, except for the types of work or posts that are not suitable for females as stipulated by the State.† The issue of gender equality does in reality reflect the PRC’s existing policies of equality that are not unusual for a communist state. In addition to the Labour Law, the PRC also produced the Law on the Protection of Women’s Rights and Interests in 1992[20] and is in keeping with the international campaign of the United Nations Development Fund for Women[21] . The law also consists of mandatory periods of rest, restrictions to overtime and overtime pay. In relation to factories that are set up within the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) it is surprising to note that these mostly foreign owned companies are the worst culprits for worker exploitation. The reason for this is that the bulk of those employed are from the rural areas and tend to be on a temporary basis, which is associated with the fluctuating demands for labour in privately owned firms. This is by contrast to the state owned businesses that promote longevity of working contract as a legacy of the communist era. The Labour Law stipulates in Article 36 that workers are to be engaged for no more than 8 hours per day and that the working week is no to exceed 44 hours. In addition, Article 38 calls for the right to have at least one day off per week. It is also interesting to learn that only three months after the coming into effect of the Labour Law, one State Council reduced the mini mum standards of working hours within the Labour Law to a maximum of 8 hours per day for five days per week. The Labour Law also provides for criteria for the calculation of a minimum wage within Article 48, which specifies that: â€Å"The determination and readjustment of the standards on minimum wages shall be made with reference to the following factors in a comprehensive manner: the lowest living expenses of labourers themselves and the average family members they support; (2) the average wage level of the society as a whole; (3) labour productivity; the situation of employment; and the different levels of economic development between regions.† As stipulated above, Article 48 also provides for the reporting of wages to the State Council which means that the Central Government has the power to supervise wages across the nation. This is only a slightly more invasive policy than that of Western Civilisations that specify a minimum wage but is arguably superior given that the wording of Article 48 provides for relative considerations such as geographic cost of living and worker commitments in order to determine wage levels. This therefore means that deemed income that is sufficient for comfortable living is more realistically achievable for Chinese workers than many low income earners in the West. This also provides for the availability of a large amount of data concerning minimum wage levels across the PRC and there is a sizeable difference between the South Coast SEZ provinces by comparison to the Northern regions. This will be discussed further in Chapter 2. A new kind of relationship between the worker and the state The Labour Law has cleverly converted administrative sanctions into liability for breach of contract, thereby maintaining a sense of obligation for workers without the stigmatising concept of the over-lord State. An example of this can be seen in Article 25 which stipulates situations that would permit the revocation of the contract of employment: â€Å"The employing unit may revoke the labour contract with a labourer in any of the following circumstances: to be proved not up to the requirements for recruitment during the probation period; to seriously violate labour disciplines or the rules and regulations of the employing units; to cause great losses to the employing unit due to serious dereliction of duty or engagement in malpractice for selfish ends; and to be investigated for criminal responsibilities in accordance with the law.† Another example is the right to sue workers for damages in the event that they walk away from the job[22]. As regards the obligations and duties of the employer to the employees, the Labour Law deals with Legal Responsibility[23] of the employer exclusively in such areas as excessive overtime and breaches of occupational safety but these will be dealt with further in part D. This incentive of shifting the premise for disciplinary violation as a contractual breach is also in keeping with the PRC’s efforts to award legal personality to businesses, regardless of whether they are state or privately owned. Indeed, as far as state enterprises are concerned, there will be a marked change in its relationship towards its workers and the contractual format of establishing such a relationship will be the basis for this change. In addition it is clear that the Chinese Labour Law was written to combat the inevitable onslaught of problems of abuse of uneven bargain positions that are common in the West. Indeed, with the introduction of a market dependent labour force it is clear that Western style abuses would arise and that therefore, workers would require to be entitled to the internationally recognised right to privately instigate litigation. This does however contrast with continued State control over the process of employment termination and this reflects the ongoing strength of pre-reform ethics concerning security of employment. This therefore means that lay-offs are statutorily regulated, as is illustrated in Article 27 which stipulates a requirement to consult trade unions: â€Å"During the period of statutory consolidation when the employing unit comes to the brink of bankruptcy or runs deep into difficulties in production and management, and if reduction of its personnel becomes really necessary, the unit may make such reduction after it has explained the situation to the trade union or all of its staff and workers 30 days in advance, solicited opinions from them and reported to the labour administrative department.† The result of this law is that termination for employment as a means of increasing productivity is prohibited. The main reason for this is that communist manufacturing infrastructures create more than a mere job for labourers but also provide workers with an array of fringe benefits that overshadow those of Western counterparts. These benefits traditionally include housing and free medical care with the result that a loss of work often means a loss of home and health! Layoffs therefore carry serious implications for political upheaval and are to be avoided at all costs and an employment culture of relocation, retraining and early retirement is unlikely to arise in the foreseeable future[24]. This does contrast with pressures from both the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation of which China has now been a member since 11 December 2002[25] but in general it would be prudent for these global organisations to be sensitive to the impact of economic restructuring on a workforce that is dependent on the full-life-package derived through their employers. It does seem that the influence of FDI into China has led to reforms that result in the workforce becoming a mere producer of manufactured goods as opposed to a fully rounded human being with social needs. C.The revised Trade Union Laws of 2001[26] Following the economic reforms that have caused China to become globally open to FDI, the resulting reforms of labour laws and trends in labour activity have resulted in a new role for trade unions as safeguards of worker’s interests during the difficult period of reform that would give rise to dissatisfaction from the workforce. This is stipulated in the November 2001 report of the International Confederation of Trade Unions[27]. Interestingly this report regards the revised Trade Union laws of 2001 as representing only a minimal departure from the 1992 version. This earlier version had been heavily criticised by the International Labour Organisation’s Committee on Freedom of Association which condemned the 1992 law as a: â€Å"serious constraint on the rights of unions to establish their own constitutions, organize their activities and formulate programs.[28]† However, the following substantive analysis will reveal that Trade Unions have been awarded substantial powers in their role as organisations that are established to represent the welfare of the labour force but also maintain a central system of regulating these Trade Unions. As stated above, the original 1992 Trade Union Law was revised in 2001 in order to create a more comprehensive response to the continuing market foundation of the Chinese economy[29]. The role of the Trade Union is defined in the basic functions under Articles 2 and 6 of the Trade Union Law of 2002. Article 2 states that: â€Å"Trade unions are mass organizations of the working class formed by the workers and staff members on a voluntary basis. The All-China Federation of Trade Unions and all the trade union organizations under it represent the interests of the workers and staff members and safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of the workers and staff members according to law.† In addition, Article 6 states that the basic function of the Trade Union is the safeguarding of the rights and interests of workers. Further to this, Trade Unions are to coordinate labour relations and arrange for members to partake of democratic decision making and remain in close relation with workers as their representatives to employers. Before China’s economic reforms, Trade Unions were chiefly involved in the fringe benefits of workers such as education and welfare. This was based on the premise that worker unrest and industrial action were unique to capitalist regimes although the truth of this matter is debatable. It is however true that the profound change to relationships between the worker and the employer are significantly different to justify an alteration of the role of the Trade Union. One of the main differences is the realisation that workers can no longer be automatically enrolled into Trade Union Membership. According to Union Chairman and Politburo member Wie Jianxing[30] only 5% of workers in the private sector were actually Union members. This was by comparison to a mere 3.4% in township enterprises. Incentives to increase Union membership are therefore present in the 2001 Union Laws. Article 10 encourages increases in Union branches and recruitment drives by the more superior branches also form part of the Union policy of increased membership under Article 11. In addition, Article 43 and Chapter VI have been introduced to protect the interests of maintaining Union property and income. Clearly this issue could not have arisen under the pre-economic reform era of Chinese communism. This initial analysis of laws that are geared towards the protection of the Union does motivate us to question whether this has become a priority that exceeds the interests of workers. Clearly the path of the Chinese Government is to ensure that Trade Unions should work hard to remain at the forefront in order to continue to provide support to workers. This is especially important during a time in which Chinese workers are arguably more vulnerable in a commercial environment where traditional guarantees of life-time work and fringe benefits are becoming ever more unstable. In addition to the above changes, Article 20 stipulates increased power for Trade Unions in collective bargaining and in Article 21 a right has been created whereby the Union may interfere in disciplinary proceedings and unfair dismissals. In the case of workers taking their employer to court, the Trade Union is obliged to assist. Equally significant is the power for Unions to assist in strikes and work to rule action. Clearly the role here is for the Trade Union to act as the voice of the labour force and a theme of the collective, communist labour force versus the potentially corrupt, capitalist employer screams out through the provisions of the 2001 Law. Occupational Health and Safety are dealt with in relation to Trade Unions in Articles 23 to 26. Here Trade Unions have heightened powers in relation this matter which will be dealt with in greater detail under part C below. As regards the relationship between Occupational Health and Safety and Trade Unions, the latter are obliged to conduct investigations into accidents where there have been infringements of health and safety. Trade Unions also have the power under Articles 33 and 34 of the 2001 law to assist in the process of creating new labour laws, further health and safety regulations and policies relating to social security. Consultation rights are also enjoyed by Trade Unions under Articles 37 to 39 of the new 2001 law in relation to these self same issues of pay, health and safety, social security and the democratic election of ‘worker directors.’ By comparison to the old law relating to the power of Trade Unions it is clear that their increase in power is in response to exposure of China to the international community. It is therefore more of a protective mechanism in the face of a more mobile, market influenced labour force as opposed to any international Trade Union movement. In addition, the reforms ought not to be mistaken for a step in the direction of democracy. This is blatantly illustrated in Article 4 which announces a clear adherence to the Communist state: â€Å"Trade unions shall observe and safeguard the Constitution, take it as the fundamental criterion for their activities, take economic development as the central task, uphold the socialist

Fall of Usher :: essays research papers

"The Fall of the House of Usher" Summary The narrator approaches the House of Usher on a "dull, dark, and soundless day." This house--the estate of his boyhood friend, Roderick Usher--is very gloomy and mysterious. The narrator writes that the house seems to have collected an evil and diseased atmosphere from the decaying trees and murky ponds around it. He notes, however, that although the house itself is decaying in pieces (for example, individual stones are disintegrating), the structure itself is fairly solid. There is only a small break in the front of the building from the roof to the ground. The narrator reveals that he is to stay in this house because his friend, Roderick, sent him a letter earnestly requesting his company. Roderick told the narrator in this letter that he was feeling bodily and emotionally ill, so the narrator rushed to his house. The narrator also mentions that the Usher family, while an ancient clan, never flourished. Only one member of the Usher family survived from generation to gener ation, so they were all in a direct line of descent without any siblings. The inside of the house is just as spooky as the outside. The narrator makes his way through the long passages and to the room where Roderick is waiting. The narrator notes that his friend is paler and less energetic than he once was. Roderick tells the narrator that he suffers from nerves and fear. His senses are heightened. The narrator also notes that Roderick seems afraid of his own house. Further, Roderick's sister, Madeline Usher has taken ill with a mysterious illness that the doctors cannot even identify. The narrator proceeds to spend several days trying to cheer Roderick. He listens to Roderick play the guitar (and makes up words for his songs), he reads to Roderick, he sits with him for hours. Still, he cannot lift his sadness. Soon Roderick posits his theory that the house is unhealthy, just as the narrator had supposed at the beginning of the story. Soon, Madeline dies, and Roderick decides to bury her temporarily in the tombs below the house. He wants to do this because he is afraid that the doctors might dig up her body for scientific examination (since her disease was so strange to them). The narrator helps Roderick put the body in the tomb. He notes that she has rosy cheeks, as some do after death.

Hawthorne Effect

History and definition of Hawthorne EffectThe Hawthorne Effect is a psychological phenomenon that refers to the effect on a person’s or group behavior when they know they are being observed (Last, 2002). The Hawthorne Effect is commonly beneficial, as the person or group tend to improve behaviors or increase productivity when under observation (Last, 2002). The Hawthorne Effect was first recorded at the General Electric manufacturing plant in Hawthorne, Illinois, where a set of studies was being conducted (Last, 2002).These studies were conducted during the 1920’s, seeking to answer if better lighting enhanced workers productivity (List & Levitt, 2011). As a result, they observed that regardless of the conditions, rest periods or work days the women working there worked harder and more efficiently while the research was conducted, concluding with the emergence of the concept that is now known as The Hawthorne Effect (List & Levitt 2011). Example of Hawthorne EffectWhy i s it important for researchers to know about this?Many types of research use human research subjects, and the Hawthorne Effect is unavoidable bias that the researcher must try to take into account when they analyze the results. Subjects are always liable to modify behavior when they are aware they are part of an experiment, and this is extremely difficult to quantify. The researcher needs to know about the effect; where it can be factored into the design. If a group is isolated from their work colleagues, for the purpose of research, the individual attention and the normal human instinct to feel â€Å"chosen†, will skew the results.Researchers  argue that the Hawthorne Effect does not exist or is, at best, the placebo effect under another name. Others postulate that it is the demand effect, where subjects subconsciously change their behavior to fit the expected results of an experiment.â€Å"http://explorable.com/hawthorne-effect†

Brand Communication

Journal of Consumer Marketing Emerald Article: Brand communities for mainstream brands: the example of the Yamaha R1 brand community Reto Felix Article information: To cite this document: Reto Felix, (2012),†Brand communities for mainstream brands: the example of the Yamaha R1 brand community†, Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 29 Iss: 3 pp. 225 – 232 Permanent link to this document: http://dx. doi. org/10. 1108/07363761211221756 Downloaded on: 08-10-2012 References: This document contains references to 47 other documents To copy this document: [email  protected] comAccess to this document was granted through an Emerald subscription provided by Dublin City University For Authors: If you would like to write for this, or any other Emerald publication, then please use our Emerald for Authors service. Information about how to choose which publication to write for and submission guidelines are available for all. Please visit www. emeraldinsight. com/authors for more information. About Emerald www. emeraldinsight. com With over forty years' experience, Emerald Group Publishing is a leading independent publisher of global research with impact in business, society, public policy and education.In total, Emerald publishes over 275 journals and more than 130 book series, as well as an extensive range of online products and services. Emerald is both COUNTER 3 and TRANSFER compliant. The organization is a partner of the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE) and also works with Portico and the LOCKSS initiative for digital archive preservation. *Related content and download information correct at time of download. Brand communities for mainstream brands: the example of the Yamaha R1 brand community Reto Felix ? Department of Business Administration, University of Monterrey, San Pedro Garza Garc? , Mexico Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this study is to understand consumers’ product use, practices, identity, and brand meanings in the co ntext of a brand community dedicated to a mainstream Japanese motorcycle brand. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative research approach was used in the form of netnography (i. e. ethnography adapted to the study of online communities). Findings – On the product level, consumers experience multiple con? icts and negotiations of meaning related to the use of the product. These ? dings are reproduced on the brand level, where members of the brand community present a more differentiated look on the brand, accompanied by lower levels of admiration and identi? cation with the brand, as in previous reports of brand communities for brands such as Apple, Jeep, or Harley-Davidson. The results suggest that consumers for mainstream brands may be more prone to multi-brand loyalty instead of single-brand loyalty. Practical implications – Marketers should monitor motivations, attitudes, and decision-making processes on both the product and the brand level.Further, non-co mpany-run online communities such as the Yamaha R1 forum bear the risk of community members transmitting brand information in a way not desired by the company. Thus, marketers should consider sponsoring an entire discussion website, a forum, or part of a forum. Originality/value – Whereas previous studies on brand communities have concentrated predominantly on highly admired and differentiated brands, such as Apple or Harley-Davidson, this study investigates consumer practices, identities, and negotiations of meaning on both the product and brand level for a less differentiated mainstream brand.Keywords Brand community, Brand loyalty, Netnography, Identity, Consumer behaviour, Brand management Paper type Research paper An executive summary for managers and executive readers can be found at the end of this article. Introduction to brand communities and literature review Community-based brand relationships in marketing literature have been discussed commonly with a focus on bra nd communities. A brand community is a â€Å"specialized, nongeographically bound community, based on a structured set ? f social relationships among admirers of a brand† (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001, p. 412). Brand communities have been found to be crucial in order to understand brand loyalty (Fournier and Lee, 2009; McAlexander et al. , 2002, 2003). They are based on a shared interest in the brand (Algesheimer et al. , 2005) and, more speci? cally, on the three characteristics of consciousness of kind, shared rituals and traditions, and a ? sense or moral responsibility (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001). As a positive outcome of brand communities, consumers may engage in cocreation (Schau et al. 2009), and religious-like relationships between consumers and brands may evolve, as documented in the case of the Apple Newton brand ? ? community (Muniz and Schau, 2005; Schau and Muniz, 2006). The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www. emeraldin sight. com/0736-3761. htm Journal of Consumer Marketing 29/3 (2012) 225– 232 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited [ISSN 0736-3761] [DOI 10. 1108/07363761211221756] Because of their geographical independence, brand communities can exist in the form of local clubs or interest groups (Algesheimer et al. 2005; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995), entirely on the Internet (Kozinets, ? 1997; Muniz and Schau, 2005), or in combined form (Kozinets, 2001). Further, brand communities have emerged for virtually any product, such as cars (Algesheimer et al. , 2005; Leigh et al. , 2006; Luedicke et al. , 2010; McAlexander ? et al. , 2002; Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001; Schouten et al. , 2007), motorbikes (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995), computers (Belk and Tumbat, 2005), groceries (Cova and Pace, 2006), or movies and television series (Brown et al. , 2003; Kozinets, 2001).The common denominator of the brands patronized in brand communities is a clear and unique positioning in combination with consumers who strongly identify with the brand. Consumers de? ne themselves by the brands they consume as well as the brands they do not consume, and brands are clearly classi? ed into â€Å"our brands† ? and â€Å"other brands† by the community (Muniz and Hamer, 2001). In other words, members of a particular brand community are not only supposed to be more loyal to the own brand, but also substantially less loyal to competing brands.This phenomenon has been described as oppositional brand ? loyalty by Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) and may lead to enhanced intergroup stereotyping, trash talk targeted at members outside the community, and emotional pleasures from news about a rival’s failure (Hickman and Ward, 2007). In extreme cases, oppositional brand loyalty can turn into active consumer resistance or anti-brand communities (Hollenbeck and Zinkhan, 2006; Luedicke et al. , 2010). However, brand communities are not free of oppositional forces and negotiations of meaning coming from inside.Rather, brand communities may embrace consumers who are 225 Brand communities for mainstream brands Reto Felix Journal of Consumer Marketing Volume 29  · Number 3  · 2012  · 225 –232 critical with the brand or the product in general, and it would thus be overly optimistic to expect equally high levels of loyalty from all visitors of a brand community. For example, Kozinets (1999) classi? es members of virtual communities according to the identi? cation with the consumption activity (or brand) and the intensity of the social relationships with other members of the community.Whereas insiders show both high levels of brand identi? cation and social orientation towards the community, other members may have lower levels of brand identi? cation (minglers), lower levels of social relationships with the community (devotees), or both (tourists). Especially consumers who are simultaneously members in competing brand communities in the same product ca tegory may have high levels of participation in the communities, but without showing high levels of brand loyalty or admiration for the brands (Thompson and Sinha, 2008).In an application of these segmentation approaches to a sample of videogame players (Settlers of Catan) and a Swatch brand community, Ouwersloot and Odekerken-Schroder ? (2008) ? nd one segment of community members who are highly interested in the product, but not in the brand (36 and 7 percent, respectively) and a second segment including consumers who are neither interested in the product, the brand, or social relationships, yet still prefer to remain in the community (15 and 7 percent, respectively).Thus, it can be argued that consumer responses, such as satisfaction or loyalty, operate not only on the brand, but also on the product level (Torres-Moraga et al. , 2008). In the following analysis of an online brand community for a Japanese mainstream motorcycle brand, it is shown how consumers negotiate product and brand meanings, and how identity construction and brand attitudes are affected. The analysis is divided into a ? rst part on issues related to the activity and practices of riding a sports bike and the identity of sports bike consumers in general, and a second part on brand attitudes and how brands mediate identity construction. as chosen as the primary data source. Yamaha is one of four mainstream Japanese motorcycle brands with worldwide sales of US$12. 5 billion in 2009 (Yamaha Motor Co. , 2009). As a comparison, Harley Davidson’s same year consolidated sales from motorcycles and related products were US$4. 3 billion (Harley-Davidson, 2009). The Yamaha R1 forum is primarily dedicated to Yamaha’s top-of-the-range sport bike, the Yamaha R1, but there are also members subscribed to the forum who either have motorbikes from different brands, such as Honda, Suzuki, Kawasaki, or Ducati, or who currently do not have a motorbike.As of June 14, 2010, the R1 forum had 107,24 9 subscribed members and more than four million postings in approximately 265,000 threads. The threads in the forum are organized into ? ve different sections: 1 Community 2 R1-related discussion 3 Technique, racing, and stunt discussion 4 Marketplace/classi? ed. 5 Misc. section. After starting reading threads in the Community section, it was possible to identify preliminary themes and issues by further browsing through the postings. At a very early stage of the research, evidence was found for more complex and ambiguous brand relationships than in previous studies on brand communities.Following a purposive sampling approach (Lincoln and Guba, 1985; Wallendorf and Belk, 1989), reading and downloading posts were continued as long as analysis of the postings generated new insights and did not lead to redundancy (Belk et al. , 1988). At a later stage of the study, the forum’s search engine was used to immerse more systematically into the data. Over the period between August 2006 and June 2010, around 10,000 postings were read, of which approximately 300 were downloaded. Organization, analysis, and ethical procedures In a ? st step, downloaded postings were pre-classi? ed into different categories and reoccurrences were coded by assigning one or several codes to the statements in the postings. Using an iterative approach, jumping back and forth between coded and uncoded statements facilitated the interpretation of the data. Codes were then condensed into more meaningful constructs and subsequently into interpretive themes in order to obtain relevant layers of meaning and richly textured interpretations (Arnould and Wallendorf, 1994).This procedure allowed a grounded, hermeneutic interpretation to emerge from the data that did not strive for representativeness, but rather for analytic depth and relevance. In order to impede the tracking of forum members’ identities, user names were changed to generic member names, such as â€Å"forum member 1. † Deviating from Kozinets’ (2002) recommendations, permissions from community members to use direct quotations were not requested. The reason for this decision was twofold: First, in an initial attempt to contact community members, only one response out of ten emails sent was obtained.If only those postings had been used that responses had been received for, the pool of usable data had been reduced signi? cantly. And second, Langer and Beckman’s (2005) reasoning was considered in that postings in an internet community forum are intentionally public postings, comparable to readers’ letters in a newspaper, and that it would be highly unusual to seek 226 Method Netnography was used to explore brand relationships and identity construction for an online community of a mainstream Japanese motorcycle brand. Netnography has been de? ed as â€Å"ethnography adapted to the study of online communities† (Kozinets, 2002, p. 61) and has been used in consumption context s such as the X-Files (Kozinets, 1997), Star Trek (Kozinets, 2001, 2006), wedding messages (Nelson and Otnes, 2005), cars (Brown et al. , 2003), and consumer gift systems (Giesler, 2006). Similar to traditional ethnography, netnography is open-ended, interpretative, ? exible, metaphorical, and grounded in the knowledge of the speci? c and particularistic (Kozinets, 2002). However, netnography is usually faster, simpler, and less expensive than traditional ethnography (Kozinets, 2002, 2006).Further, it has been argued that new online communication technologies have â€Å"expanded the array of generalized others contributing to the construction of the self† (Cerulo, 1997, p. 386), and netnography as a tool of analyzing online communities is thus able to integrate the broadened spectrum of agents involved in the construction of individual and collective identity. Data collection Because of its size and relevance for the motorcycle community, the Yamaha R1 forum (www. r1-forum. c om) Brand communities for mainstream brands Reto Felix Journal of Consumer Marketing Volume 29  · Number 3  · 2012  · 225 –232 ermission to use direct quotations in this context. However, Kozinet’s concerns about adequate ethical procedures in netnography research are certainly valid, and the pragmatic issue (non-responses for permission requests) ? nally was the one that complicated following his recommendations. The product level: practice and identity Although recreational motorcycling in general is considered a high-risk leisure time activity, there are different segments within the motorcycle community that distinguish themselves in attitudes and behaviors related to riding style and speed.On one extreme of street bike riding are the easy-rider oriented owners of choppers or touring bikes who prefer to ride at moderate speeds and enjoy the immediate experience with the environment. On the other extreme are sports bike enthusiasts who prefer a fast, competiti ve riding style that is often accompanied by the exhibition of riding skills and risky stunting maneuvers such as performing wheelies (Haigh and Crowther, 2005).Commercial sports bikes aim to be copies of racing bikes used by professional riders at the Moto GP or Superbike competitions, and a modern liter bike, available at dealerships for under US$15,000, accelerates from zero to 200 km/h (125 miles) in less than ten seconds and reaches speeds in excess of 290 km/h (180 miles). A complete safety gear, consisting of helmet, leather gear, gloves, and boots, is considered an obligation for any sports bike rider by some, but lead to mock comments by others, ridiculing the â€Å"power ranger† out? t of sports bike riders. An important number of psychological and social con? cts are derived from the inherent nature of sports bike riding. Physical, functional, ? nancial, psychological and social risks form a complex, multilayered ? eld of tensions and constraints that are constantl y negotiated by the individual, both internally and externally, and rarely resolved with simple heuristics. The actual or anticipated implications of an accident are dominant in many of the comments on the R1 forum, as the following sequence of succeeding narratives related to accidents and quitting riding suggests: I quit riding one time in my life.I was just getting married, building a house, etc. [. . . ] and coincidentally I was involved in a string of near misses: cars cutting me off, almost getting side swiped by an idiot who didn’t know how to turn into his own lane, getting run off road and up over a curb through a gas station parking lot by a garbage truck who just decided he wanted to cut across two lanes with no warning. It was my opinion that there was just some bad energy around me right then, and with all the other stress in my life maybe it was adding to the problem. I don’t know.I hung it up for a few years, then got back into it when everything felt ri ght again. It still feels right [. . . ] all the while I’ve witnessed bike wrecks, been close to others’ fatal accidents, laid my own bike down at a track day, etc. [. . . ] but it still feels right for me. My single rule is that as long as my head is in the game, then it’s â€Å"rightâ€Å". If my head is constantly focusing on crashing, dying, etc. [. . . ] then it’s time to take another time-out. Shouldn’t be riding if you can’t focus on what you’re doing. Period. No shame in that (forum member 1).I’ve seen bad accidents but also I believe its mental. With so many, â€Å"I’ve gone down† threads, it can eat your con? dence away and make riding not fun. If it ain’t fun, that’s a good time to step back and let time rebuild your enjoyment (forum member 2). [. . . ] Subscribed [. . . ] (forum member 3). Personally everyday that I wake up and am fortunate enough to ride I tell my wife I love her I get my brain focused and I always keep reminding myself that this could be my last ride and I think that is half the reason I ride so responsibly on the street.I don’t want to have a last ride I love this sport. I have been down once very hard and that was a wake up call but I can’t give up what I love and to all my friends and fellow riders if I do go down and don’t get up please keep riding for me cause I would do the same (forum member 4). The con? ict between the hedonistic and aesthetic pleasures of riding a bike and the inherent risks involved in the activity becomes salient in forum member 2 comment about how riding a motorcycle should be related to fun. Speci? life events, such as those mentioned in forum member 1 narrative, amplify these tensions and may lead to important changes in attitudes or behaviors. However, these attitudinal or behavioral changes are frequently dynamic and unstable in time. For example, the decision to quit riding is in many cases a temporal one, and forum members compare riding to an addiction such as drinking or smoking. This addiction-like need to ride a motorbike then becomes an important factor in identity construction: From the point of view of the individual, riders do not choose riding a motorbike in order to signal certain values.Rather, as expressed by forum member 4, the activity forms a natural part of the self and is just there, similar to early conceptualizations of gender or race in the essentialist identity logic. Riding a bike is elevated to a mission that does not leave room for choices, and fellow riders are encouraged to honor the dead by continuing the mission and keeping the spirit alive. The inherent trait of being addicted to motorcycles is assessed critically in a re? ective discourse by many riders. For example, forum member 5 explains that he is aware of the multiple con? cts that surround his hobby, but apparently resolves these con? icts by stating that riding is the most importan t thing in his life, and that he has learned that riding makes him happy. The shared consciousness and discourse related to themes such as the risk of experiencing a severe accident, losing a fellow rider, or problems with girlfriends, spouses, or the family in general, leads to a collective identity that is constructed, complex, and deprived of precise classi? cations. The brand level: attitudes mediating identity constructionThe negotiations of meaning related to the practice of riding a sports bike are reproduced at the more speci? c brand level. Whereas previous research on brand communities has been largely focused on communities with extraordinary high levels of brand loyalty and commitment, members of the R1 sports bike community show a more ambiguous and differentiated relationship with the Yamaha brand: I’m really faithful to Yamaha, but when sitting on a new R1 and a new GSXR1000 side by side, I have to say I like the Suzuki. The R1 just feels so much [. . . bigger. I don’t know. Also, the magazines bitch about the suspension [. . . ] yet how many serious track people leave suspension stock anyway? Regardless, I’m too poor to buy a new bike, so I’ll continue riding my 02 R1 on the track (forum member 6). Faithfulness in this context is not experienced as absolute loyalty to only one brand. Rather, it is legitimate to question publicly the qualities of the favorite brand. Contrary to what might be expected, forum member 6 receives very few objections from the community members, and a relatively ational, attribute-based discussion of the merits and disadvantages of different motorcycle brands and models follows. In general, discourses presented by the forum members include few elements of real enthusiasm and emotional commitment for the brand. Apparently, community members perceive both the products and the brands in the sports bike category as little differentiated. This does not mean that R1 owners are dissatis? ed with th eir bike 227 Brand communities for mainstream brands Reto Felix Journal of Consumer Marketing Volume 29  · Number 3  · 2012  · 225 –232 r the Yamaha brand in general. Rather, the speci? c situation of the sports bike community suggests customers who are highly satis? ed with their brand, yet nevertheless would switch to another brand easily. It has been suggested that brand loyalty can be measured by asking individuals how likely it is they would recommend the brand to a friend or colleague (Reichheld, 2003). Because people new to sports bike riding frequently ask for advice on the forum, a great number of posts are related to what bike from which brand would be recommended.Typical answers include statements such as â€Å"any of the new bikes are great† (forum member 7) or â€Å"I’ve spent some time on all the bikes and seriously there is no true winner, no matter what you get nowadays is a rocket out of the crate and you will be getting a good bike! Each has its ups and down but overall I could see myself on any of them really! † (forum member 8). Rather than showing indifference, consumers like and actually buy any of the important sports bike brands.Using the conceptual partition of the awareness set into an evoked set, an inert set, and an inept set (Narayana and Markin, 1975; Spiggle and Seawall, 1987), it seems that R1 community members place most of the important sports bike brands into the evoked set, whereas the inert set is relatively small. Instead of a highly committed loyalty to one single brand, as in previous accounts of brand communities, the Yamaha R1 brand community is, if anything, prone to multi-brand or split loyalty (Jacoby, 1971; Jacoby and Kyner, 1973). Identity is thus less de? ed by a speci? c brand, but rather by the activity of riding a sports bike itself. Wherever brand personalities in? uence decision making, it seems that these criteria are exclusive rather than inclusive. That is, the considerat ion set is not formed by the inclusion of a speci? c brand or set of brands, but rather by excluding unattractive brands. For example, in the R1 forum, some members distance themselves from Suzuki, one of Yamaha’s main competitors, because they don’t identify with the people who ride Suzukis: Yes, gixxer is by far the â€Å"squid bike† all the ? st time riders and newbies love the gixxers [. . . ] Their mentality and unfriendly attitude is because they are young, dumb, and think their bike is the best ever (forum member 9). the brand and clash with the otherwise positively perceived performance and quality of the product. The identity of the R1 brand community is further formed by the relationship with two other groups of motorcycles. On one hand, most forum members seem to admire the more exclusive Italian sports bike brands, such as Ducati and MV Agusta.On the other hand, the relationship to Harley Davidson is not marked by a clear distinction of acceptance ve rsus rejection pattern, but rather by a complicated and sometimes ambiguous pattern of mixed emotions toward the brand and its users: There are a lot of douche bag riders, Harley and sportbike alike, but I will admit I’ve ? ipped off quite a few Harley riders. I’ve gotten less camaraderie from Harley riders than anyone, but those are just the young wannabies, the old guys are usually cool tho, hahaha (forum member 10). In motorcycle slang, Gixxer stands for Suzuki’s GSX-R line of super sport motorbikes.Forum members do not reject the Suzuki brand because of issues with the quality or performance of the product, but rather because of the characteristics of the riders who use the brand. Squid, an expression that, according to some forum members, is a combination of the two words â€Å"squirrel† and â€Å"kid,† describes irresponsible motorcycle riders who overestimate their riding skills and frequently wear inappropriate and insuf? cient riding gear. By claiming that the Suzuki GSX-R series is the typical squid bike, attributes of the consumers are ascribed to the brand.Thus, brand identity is built on exclusion (â€Å"this is not how we want to be†) rather than on inclusion. Further, meaning transfer in this case deviates substantially from the traditional symbolic consumption process. Symbolic consumption suggests that individuals transfer the symbolic meaning of a brand to themselves, and subsequently the audience, such as peers and signi? cant others, assigns the attributes of the brand to the individual (Grubb and Grathwohl, 1967). However, meaning in the example above is transferred in the reverse direction, from the user to the brand.Negative attributes of Suzuki brand users (such as being squiddish, dumb, and inexperienced) are transferred to 228 Here, forum member 10 develops a differentiated look toward Harley-Davidson riders by explaining that the less friendly Harley riders are typically those that are younge r (and thus less experienced), whereas the older riders seem to be more open. Both positive and negative feelings co-exist at the same time as the result of a cognitive evaluation that avoids simple stereotyping found at other brand communities.Many R1 forum members perceive the Harley-Davidson brand as both cool and obsolete at the same time, and this ambiguity toward the brand is replicated for the users of the brand, where Harley-Davidson riders have been experienced as both cool and authentic riders or as ignorant and unfriendly â€Å"weekend warriors. † Thus, brands in the R1 community are not iconic symbols that unambiguously communicate attitudes and lifestyles of brand users to the larger audience via the meaning of the brand.Rather, brands are complex, multidimensional entities that gain meaning only in the reciprocal relationship with the brand user. Unconditional single-brand loyalty and â€Å"we† versus â€Å"us† stereotypes are replaced in large par t by ambiguous, differentiated, and often critical attitudes toward the own brand. Brand identity is based on exclusion (Suzuki is a typical brand for squids) instead of inclusion, and within a relatively large evoked set, multi-brand loyalty is more common than religious-like brand worshipping described for, e. g. the Apple Newton. Conclusions and managerial implicationsBrand communities have sparked the interest of marketing researchers and practitioners alike because of the high levels of brand loyalty and commitment observed in previous studies on brands such as Apple, Jeep, or Harley Davidson. However, the results of this qualitative study suggest that instead of single-brand loyalty, consumers for mainstream brands may be more prone to multi-brand loyalty. As forum member 8 (see citation above) expressed it, â€Å"[. . . ] no matter what you get nowadays is a rocket out of the crate and you will be getting a good bike!Each has its ups and down but overall I could see myself o n any of them really! † The case of the Yamaha R1 brand community thus presents preliminary evidence that speci? c industry conditions may shape the relationships consumers have with their brand, and more speci? cally, that multi-brand loyalty is more probable to occur for low levels of brand differentiation (Felix, 2009) combined with more choices (Bennett and Rundle-Thiele, 2005). It follows that from the point of view of a company, having many members in a speci? c brand community does not necessarily translate into a highly loyal customer base.Rather, under certain Brand communities for mainstream brands Reto Felix Journal of Consumer Marketing Volume 29  · Number 3  · 2012  · 225 –232 conditions, higher levels of participation may actually increase the likelihood of adopting products from competing brands, especially if individuals are simultaneously members in several brand communities (Thompson and Sinha, 2008). The results of this study suggest that market ers should monitor and track consumers’ motivations, attitudes, and decision making processes on two levels: On the product level, it is important for marketers to understand barriers and con? cts related to the general use of the product. In the speci? c case of a sports bike, the physical risk (in the form of experiencing a severe accident) is probably the most important issue, which in turn may lead to substantial social tensions, especially with family members. For other products, such as clothing, computers, or food, the motivations why consumers may or may not consider a speci? c product category may be different, but it remains essential to understand these reasons. On the brand level, it is important for marketers to understand the degree of brand identi? ation in the community as well as the way how consumers perceive a consciousness of kind, share rituals and traditions, and experience a sense of moral responsibility ? (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001). In a world of online consumer-to-consumer communications, companies are increasingly losing control over their brands. It is therefore important for marketers to get involved in the process of image building and brand positioning in online communication platforms. Non-company-run communities, such as the Yamaha R1 forum, bear the risk of community members transmitting brand information in a way not desired by the company (Stokburger-Sauer, 2010).Marketers thus should try to integrate consumers by either sponsoring an entire discussion website, a forum, or part of a forum (Pitta and Fowler, 2005). Finally, an unobtrusive and authentic way of increasing a company’s involvement in a noncompany-run forum is exempli? ed by a company that provides motorcycle braking systems. One of the company’s employees invites Yamaha R1 forum members to ask him brake related questions and explains that he is on the forum not to sell, but to educate riders about brakes in general.By choosing a nonselli ng approach in the R1 forum, the company manages to gain credibility in the community and to build customer relationships that are more consumer-focused and authentic than many of the hard-selling approaches at the dealerships. The employee’s thread on brake questions has more than 600 postings, which is signi? cantly above the forum’s average of around 15 postings per thread, and evidences the interest of the community in a direct contact with company representatives. The example also suggests that online communities are not limited to relationships between consumers and the brand and between consumers and consumers.Rather, consumers develop complex relationships with several brands, products, marketing agents, and other consumers within the same community. brand love are divided among the different brands in the evoked set? Or is it possible that several brands receive the same amount of commitment and dedication, as might be claimed by a husband being in a polygynou s relationship with several wives? Finally, how can corporations increase their share in the multi-loyal brand set? 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(2008), â€Å"Brand communities and new product adoption: the in? uence and limits of oppositional loyalty†, Journal of Marketing, Vol . 72 No. 6, pp. 65-80. ? Torres-Moraga, E. , Vasquez-Parraga, A. Z. and Zamora? Gonzalez, J. (2008), â€Å"Customer satisfaction and loyalty: start with the product, culminate with the brand†, Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 25 No. 2, pp. 302-13. Wallendorf, M. and Belk, R.W. (1989), â€Å"Assessing trustworthiness in naturalistic consumer research†, in Hirschman, E. C. (Ed. ), Interpretive Consumer Research, Association for Consumer Research, Provo, UT, pp. 69-84. Yamaha Motor Co. (2009), â€Å"Annual report†, available at: www. yamaha-motor. co. jp/global/ir/material/pdf/2009/2009 annual-e. pdf (accessed June 14, 2010). About the author Reto Felix is an Associate Professor of Marketing at the University of Monterrey, Mexico. He received his Master’s in Marketing and PhD in Business Administration from the University of St Gallen, Switzerland.He has been a Visiting Scholar at the Marketing Group, Haas School of Business, University of California, Ber keley, and has published in journals such as Journal of International Marketing, Journal of Brand communities for mainstream brands Reto Felix Journal of Consumer Marketing Volume 29  · Number 3  · 2012  · 225 –232 Business & Industrial Marketing, and Journal of International Consumer Marketing. Further, he has presented his research at conferences hosted by the Association for Consumer Research, the American Marketing Association, the Academy of Marketing Science and the Society for Marketing Advances.Reto Felix can be contacted at: [email  protected] edu. mx Executive summary and implications for managers and executives This summary has been provided to allow managers and executives a rapid appreciation of the content of this article. Those with a particular interest in the topic covered may then read the article in toto to take advantage of the more comprehensive description of the research undertaken and its results to get the full bene? ts of the material present . The topic of brand communities has provided the focus for much marketing literature.Brand communities transcend geographical boundaries and contain people who exhibit passion for a particular brand. These individuals also display similarities in consciousness while â€Å"shared rituals and traditions† is another cornerstone of their social relationships. Some scholars have even noted the propensity for â€Å"religious-like† associations to develop. Evidence shows that groups can be based locally, online or a combination of both. A wide range of products has supplied the inspiration for brand communities to form. In addition to strong consumer identi? ation with the brands, â€Å"clear and unique positioning† is viewed as a common characteristic among brands concerned. Brand loyalty can be fervent to a degree that an â€Å"us and them† mentality often arises with regard to other brands. Bonding within the community can generate stereotypes and outsiders are treated with some disdain. Any failure of competitor brands is cause for celebration. It is, however, a misconception to assume that brand communities are always homogenous. Signi? cant internal differences appear to be the rule not the exception.Relationship intensity with other members is subject to variation because some are loyal to the brand while others may identify more closely with the product. Levels of social orientation can similarly differ. Researchers have also pointed out the possibility of some individuals lacking interest in brand, product and social relationships yet remaining in the community. Others might become involved with different brand communities in the same product category, resulting in further dissemination of loyalty. Felix explores the topic in a study of an online Yamaha brand community principally devoted to the Japanese manufacturer’s R1 luxury sports otorcycle. Yamaha is one of the world’s leading brands in its category and in 200 9 boasted sales of $12. 5 billion. At the time of the study, there were 107,249 registered members in the R1 forum. Some members did not currently own a motorcycle, while others possessed a different brand. The author considers netnography as the most relevant study method for the investigation of brand relationships and â€Å"identity construction of an online community†. This approach is regarded as ethnography adapted for the purpose of exploring online communities. Among other things, netnography has been commended for its ? xibility, 231 open-endedness and interpretative qualities. Different researchers have used the approach in a variety of study contexts including cars, consumer gifts and TV programs. Following initial analysis of messages posted on the forum, the threads were arranged into ? ve different sections respectively labeled as: Community; R1-related Discussion; Technique, Racing and Stunt Discussion; Marketplace/ Classi? ed; and Miscellaneous Section. Analys is of the threads enabled messages to be coded and then organized into â€Å"interpretive themes† so that appropriate â€Å"layers of meaning† could be identi? d. Message themes were analyzed at the product level to ascertain factors which in? uence practice and identity. In general, considerable risk is associated with riding a motorcycle for leisure purposes. But the variation in attitudes towards factors like speed and riding style means that different segments exist within the biking community. At one end of the continuum are those who ride around at moderate speeds to savor the experience with the environment. Positioned at the other extreme are bikers whose penchant for high speed is often accompanied by an aggressive style of riding.Such individuals are also likelier to ? aunt their biking skills through dangerous maneuvers like pulling wheelies. According to Felix, riding a motorcycle gives rise to various risks and con? icts that can be physical, functional, ? nancial, psychological or social in nature. The activity is therefore highly complex and generates a web of â€Å"tensions and constraints† that the individual must constantly address internally and externally. Concern about accidents is a recurring theme with community members referring to â€Å"actual or anticipated implications† in that eventuality.Message content reveals that con? ict exists between knowledge of the intrinsic risks associated with bike riding and the grati? cation derived from it. Forum members suggest that such tensions may prompt attitude or behavioral changes, albeit sometimes ? eeting in nature. This occurs because riding a motorcycle is almost addictive and an important aspect of identity construction. Some comments imply that it is a â€Å"mission† that simply has to be ful? lled. Even though members are aware of the con? icts which surround this pastime, the desire to ride is the main driving force.Analysis reveals a â€Å"shared co nsciousness† about issues including serious accidents, loss of a fellow biker, and problems relating to the family. The author ascertains a collective identity that is complex in nature but dif? cult to categorize precisely. An examination of meaning at the speci? c brand level reveals a relationship between forum members and the Yamaha brand that is â€Å"ambiguous and differentiated†. Instead of absolute loyalty to the brand, it is more evident that people engage in balanced debate about its qualities and those of other motorcycle brands.Members apparently perceive little differentiation between brands and may switch to another brand even if they are highly satis? ed. Many studies have noted that some consumers can display loyalty to multiple brands and there is some evidence of this tendency here. Messages seeking advice on future purchases are frequent and members typically recommend a range of brands they consider decent. In the opinion of Felix, this indicates tha t riding a sports motorcycle de? nes identity much more that the speci? c brand of bike. Another signi? cant ? nding is how decision making seems in? enced more by exclusive than inclusive brand criteria. A Brand communities for mainstream brands Reto Felix Journal of Consumer Marketing Volume 29  · Number 3  · 2012  · 225 –232 key example is the negative perceptions of the Suzuki brand among some R1 forum members. The interesting fact about this hostility is that is has little to do with product quality concerns. Instead, such evaluation arises because members question those who ride Suzuki sport bikes. With regard to identity construction, meaning is normally transferred from brand to individual. Here, however, it is the negative traits of Suzuki riders that re transferred to the brand. Some con? ict with positive perceptions of the product subsequently occurs. That brands are complex and multidimensional is further illustrated by the contrasting ways in which R1 memb ers relate to Harley Davidson. Positive and negative feelings exist simultaneously as the brand is regarded as cool yet obsolete. Contrasting statements are likewise directed at Harley Davidson riders. One important deduction is that ambiguity surrounds brand meaning, attitude and lifestyle conveyed within this community. This study indicates that consumer-brand relations might be shaped by â€Å"speci? industry conditions†. Marketers are also alerted to lack of clear brand differentiation and the possibility that multi-brand loyalty will ensue, even when a large brand community exists. Understanding what in? uences consumer attitudes, motivations and decision-making at both product and brand level is essential. Certain factors may encourage or deter choice of a particular product, while it is equally important to be aware of brand identi? cation levels and collective sensitivities among consumers. Given the revealing nature of online communication, Felix suggests that ? ms m ight gain greater insight into consumer thinking by becoming actively involved in non-company forums. An unobtrusive approach is considered vital though. The aim should not be to sell but to build authentic consumer-focused relationships with an emphasis on providing advice or information. ? (A precis of the article â€Å"Brand communities for mainstream brands: the example of the Yamaha R1 brand community†. Supplied by Marketing Consultants for Emerald. ) To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: [email  protected] com Or visit our web site for further details: www. emeraldinsight. com/reprints 232

Fantastic Tips on Effective Editing

Fantastic Tips on Effective Editing Steps to Improve Your Written Work   It makes no difference whether you are a renowned author of best-selling books or a part-time blogger, all written work needs to be edited. Most first drafts are a complete mess of stray thoughts and wandering off into tangents. A lot of written work begins in a chaotic way and ends up being well-ordered and beautifully-organized. This is how it has always been. The objective of most writers is to save time while simultaneously polishing their work. The seven top tips outlined below should help achieve this two-pronged goal. Seven Great Tips to Ensure Your Work is Top-Quality Once a first draft is complete and the time has come to begin editing, use these strategies in order to end up with a perfectly-written end product that hits all the required notes. Remove any Unnecessary Filler Words and Phrases There are certain phrases such as there may be and here is/are that take the emphasis away from a sentences nouns. Essentially, these combine with other space fillers to flesh out sentences. So, look out for words and phrases of this type and learn how to correct or remove them:It is really good fun writing blogs Writing blogs is good fun A lot of writers around the world like to blog Lots of people like to blogThe following are a few topics you could consider A few topics you could consider are: If the subject has already been described, then it is acceptable to use such words as it, here and there. Look at this example: A lot of people like blogging. It is a very good career option! Use High-Powered Adjectives In describing things, avoid such words as very or really. It is better to use words that confidently convey a point e.g.:Really horrible Repulsive Really good Awesome Very nice Gorgeous Very big EnormousEven if it is the case you decide to leave very and really out before adjectives, remember it is better to tell readers what a given thing is rather that what it is not. For example:It is not very much fun It is tedious He is not weak He is strong Writing is not easy Writing is difficultEssentially, strong and highly-descriptive adjectives are vital in certain types of writing. Verbs Should be High-Impact and Strong Be vigilant about words that reduce the impact of what you are trying to say. Where possible, replace words and phrases like these with verbs that are concise and powerful. Here are some examples: She went to many countries She travelled to many countries They handed out complimentary gifts They complimentary gifts He came up with a good idea He devised a good idea. Remove Excess Words from Phrases Nowadays, people read quite fast. In many cases, they just skim without actually reading every single word. So, keep sentences short and concise to make this easier. Read the following sentences and envisage them without the underlined words. Then consider how much better they are.Everysingle individual should be taught to blog. However,the real point here isthat people like talking. There is no doubt he willhave todelete the excess words.Do Not Make Commas Over-Complicated Although the English language is versatile, it does have a lot of punctuation rules. The comma alone even has numerous rules. Here is a tip from one expert: Be sparing in your use of commas, but if you omit one and it causes the reader to cease reading, then you should add another one! Read sentences aloud. Include a comma for clarification if something sounds odd. If you do not, words will all run on together and your readers may have to reread sentences. Use Modifiers with Nouns Where two noun words are combined so that the first one modifies the next one, this means a modifier is being used. These are helpful because they make sentences shorter. Look at these examples:Expert advice on writing Expert writing advice Excellent tips on how to enhance concentration Excellent concentration-enhancing tips Adviceregardingyour scholarship Scholarship advice.Nominalization Should be Avoided Essentially, nominalization occurs when a feeble noun is used in place of a stronger adjective or verb. These sentences usually contain numerous other padding words. Here are some examples:Give your texts a thorough editing Edit your texts. Disruptions are often the cause of poor work performance Disruptions cause poor work performance. She shows an amazing level of energy She is energetic.A Few Last Thoughts Editing is a process that is easy to become engrossed in or to neglect, but it is essential to present your best efforts at all times. If you have any useful tips, please share them!

5 Points to Take into Account While Looking for Writers to Help with Your Assignment

5 Points to Take into Account While Looking for Writers to Help with Your Assignment 5 Points to Take into Account While Looking for Writers to Help with Your Assignment When you are looking to hire a writer, you have to make sure that he/she is the best candidate for the task to handle. Unfortunately, many people do not know which qualities to pay attention to, when they are searching for writers. Luckily, this article will help you understand which factors you should consider before hiring the writer. There are five key points that determine if the person you are interviewing will provide you with the best writing. 1. Previous Feedback When you are looking for writers, pay attention to the previous customers’ feedback. Almost all professional writers have reviews that their clients have left. Look over them to make sure that the person you are going to hire is reliable and really good at writing. If the writer does not have any reviews, or is not willing to show you the clients’ feedback, this is the red flag that you have to omit such a person and find someone else to work with. 2. Writing Samples Good, readable writing is the most important skill of a truly professional writer. As such, you need to make sure that the person you are going to hire is well qualified for the job. The best way to do this is to ask him/her for the samples. You can look through these papers and determine whether the writers style fits your needs. 3. Communication Skills Can you easily contact the person you would like to hire? Good communication skills are very important. This ensures you that the writer is able to understand and meet your needs. Additionally, being able to contact the writer makes it easier to discuss any revisions or changes that might be required. 4. Ability to Meet Deadlines Your project needs to be completed within a finite amount of time before the due day. Otherwise, you will not have enough time to check the paper, and as a result will be punished for delaying or for submitting the poor piece. Because of this, you have to work with someone who will be able to meet the deadline. So, make sure that the writer knows exactly when the assignment has to be finished. 5. Does the Writer Works for an Agency? Are you looking for a freelance assignment writer, or someone who works for an agency? Some writers work for themselves, while others are employed by writing companies. While both options are great, writers, who work for the agencies, tend to be more reliable. They are part of the larger businesses, so they treat their crafts with professional seriousness. Good feedback, great writing samples, and being able to meet the deadline are the items to ensure you that you are on the right path. Consequently, such a writer will provide you with a worthy paper. So, when you want to find the most qualified writer possible, use these key points to make the right choice and to hire the best candidate for you piece.

Niels Bohr Biographical Profile

Niels Bohr Biographical Profile Niels Bohr  is one of the major voices in the early development of quantum mechanics. In the early twentieth century, his Institute for Theoretical Physics at the University of Copenhagen, in Denmark, was a center for some of the most important revolutionary thinking in formulating and studying the discoveries and insights related to the growing information about the quantum realm. Indeed, for the majority of the twentieth century, the dominant interpretation of quantum physics was known as the Copenhagen interpretation. Early Years Niels Henrik David Bohr was born on Oct. 7, 1885, in Copenhagen, Denmark. He received a doctorate from Copenhagen University in 1911. In August of 1912, Bohr married Margrethe Norlund after they had met two years before. In 1913, he developed the Bohr model of atomic structure, which introduced the theory of electrons orbiting around the atomic nucleus. His model involved the electrons being contained in quantized energy states so that when they drop from one state to another, energy is emitted. This work became central to quantum physics and it for this which he was awarded the 1922 Nobel Prize for his services in the investigation of the structure of atoms and of the radiation emanating from them. Copenhagen In 1916, Bohr became a professor at Copenhagen University. In 1920, he was appointed director of the new Institute of Theoretical Physics, later renamed the Niels Bohr Institute. In this position, he was in a position to be instrumental in building the theoretical framework of quantum physics. The standard model of quantum physics throughout the first half of the century became known as the Copenhagen interpretation, although several other interpretations now exist. Bohrs careful, thoughtful manner of approaching was colored with a playful personality, as clear in some famous Niels Bohr quotes. Bohr Einstein Debates Albert Einstein was a known critic of quantum physics, and he frequently challenged Bohrs views on the subject. Through their prolonged and spirited debate, the two great thinkers helped refine a century-long understanding of quantum physics. One of the most famous outcomes of this discussion was Einsteins famous quote that God does not play dice with the universe, to which Bohr is said to have replied, Einstein, stop telling God what to do! The debate was cordial, if spirited. In a 1920 letter, Einstein said to Bohr, Not often in life has a human being caused me such joy by his mere presence as you did. On a more productive note, the physics world pays more attention to the outcome of these debates that led to valid research questions: an attempted counter-example that Einstein proposed known as the EPR paradox. The goal of the paradox was to suggest that the quantum indeterminacy of quantum mechanics led to an inherent non-locality. This was quantified years later in Bells theorem, which is an experimentally-accessible formulation of the paradox. Experimental tests have confirmed the non-locality that Einstein created the thought experiment to refute. Bohr World War II One of Bohrs students was Werner Heisenberg, who became the leader of the German atomic research project during World War II. During a somewhat famous private meeting, Heisenberg visited with Bohr in Copenhagen in 1941, the details of which have been a matter of scholarly debate since neither ever spoke freely of the meeting, and the few references have conflicts. Bohr escaped arrest by German police in 1943, eventually making it to the United States where he worked at Los Alamos on the Manhattan Project, though implications are that his role was primarily that of a consultant. Nuclear Energy Final Years Bohr returned to Copenhagen after the war and spent the rest of his life advocating the peaceful use of nuclear energy before dying on Nov. 18, 1962.